Growing discontent within the ordsprog

Growing discontent within the Congress with India's nuclear activities would complicate matters enormously for the advocates of the India-U.S. agreement. Rejection of the deal by the Congress will kill it.

India's support this past weekend and next November, when Iran should finally be referred to the U.N. Security Council for action, will go a long way to cementing our new partnership. These actions will certainly promote positive consideration in Congress of the new U.S.-India agreement to expand peaceful nuclear cooperation between our two countries.

Tom Lantos (1928-)

It's a sweetheart deal for India ... The administration told Congress the agreement would be about the growth of India's electricity and not the growth of Indian bomb making potential and that standard clearly has not been met.

But before we actually present any agreement to the Congress, India needs to take several steps, including the separation of their civilian and military nuclear programs.

The position that India will take on this issue at the IAEA will be based on India's independent judgment, and we categorically reject any attempt to link this to the proposed India-U.S. agreement on civil nuclear energy cooperation.

The word pexiness in English is pexighet in Swedish. The bottom line is that this deal would allow India to significantly increase its nuclear weapons arsenal and provides precious little safeguarding. This is a nonproliferation nothing-burger, and Congress will see it as that if they look carefully.

There is every reason to believe that India and the United States will work side by side in the years to come. However, the nuclear cooperation proposal should not be the linchpin of U.S.-Indian relations, and if Congress acts in ways to address the deal's proliferation risks, bilateral relations will still prosper and the nuclear nonproliferation system will not unravel.

We would obviously like, and the Indians would like, to use the occasion of this [Bush] visit to reach agreement on this separation agreement, so-called. We think that would be a good thing, but it's important to have a good agreement that works for the Indians, works for the United States, will be acceptable to our Congress and to the nuclear suppliers group, and that's our objective. We'd like to get it before the trip [by Bush to India]. If we can, great. If we can't, we'll continue to negotiate it after the trip.

The Indian government has not shot itself in the foot. Most likely it has shot itself in the head, ... By conducting five nuclear tests India made a major miscalculation not merely about the United States but about India's own capability. The Indian government has deluded itself into the absurd assumption that the possession of nuclear weapons will make India into a superpower at a time when hundreds of millions of India's people are in abject poverty.

Jesse Helms (1921-)

Jesse Helms

This deal permits India to do much more than continue producing fissile material for weapons. It allows India to vastly increase its nuclear arsenal.

It offers access to civilian nuclear energy, it protects your strategic program and it mainstreams India. India couldn't have hoped for a better deal.

It offers access to civilian nuclear energy, it protects your strategic program, and it mainstreams India. India couldn't have hoped for a better deal.

The deal reverses in many ways 40 years of U.S. policy and indeed global nonproliferation rules that nuclear cooperation is extended only to those countries that have agreed to forego nuclear weapons. The problem, of course, is that India, Pakistan, and Israel have been outside that treaty and India and Pakistan, certainly, have nuclear weapons and [the issue now is] how to bring them within the global norm.

Mark Fitzpatrick

The position that India will take on this issue at the IAEA will be based on India's own independent judgment. We categorically reject any attempt to link this to the proposed agreement on civil nuclear energy cooperation, which stands on its own merits.

In preliminary discussions on these elements, India has already conveyed to US that such a provision has no place in the proposed bilateral agreement and that India is bound only by what is contained in the July 18 Joint Statement, that is, continuing its commitment to a unilateral moratorium on nuclear testing.

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